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ANTH 362: Anthropology of Tourism

Autumn 2012

I took this course in the autumn quarter of my sophomore year, purely out of genuine interest in the topic. I had a fair amount of experience traveling with my family, and I was curious as to how the class would bring up the ethics of travel and tourism. I was also looking to increase my theorization of this topic, as I had previously encountered it experientially but not academically. 

 

As it turns out, this was one of the classes in my undergraduate career that irritated me the most. I left the classroom nearly every day feeling defensive, implicated, self-conscious, and unsatisfied with our discussions. Our professor had done extensive ethnographic research in Tahiti, so many of our conversations were informed and guided by her experiences, and I felt that this perspective provided a simplified and generalized version of tourists. While I broadly understood the critiques and concerns being raised, I did not appreciate the way that tourists were being painted. I took issue with the privileging of "traveler" over "tourist" and was unconvinced of the definitions provided to describe the distinction between those two types of people. I was unimpressed by the lack of analysis applied to the industry of tourism itself as a complex monetary, political, and cultural entity in a modern globalized context. I left feeling unsure if there were any positive reasons for an individual with the desire to see other places and if there were any excuses for good intentions. 

 

While I am still unsure about how I feel regarding most of the subject matter from this course, it definitely stuck with me as a personal challenge to reflect on my own positionality. It also helped me develop communication skills to more effectively and productively engage in civil disagreement over a loaded topic. While not my favorite class, this course definitely left a significant impression on me. 

Above is the final paper for this class. I conducted an ethnographic reading of the Woodland Park Zoo, complete with interviews and photographs. 

Above is the painting "Tahitian Women on the Beach" by Paul Gauguin from 1891. We discussed the negative representational impact of his work extensively in class. 

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This is a critical analysis relflection I did for my Comparative History of Ideas degree, comparing my experiences in this course to my experiences on a study abroad trip to Morocco with the Honors Program:

 

After taking Anthropology of Tourism in my sophomore year, I was initially unsure how it would connect to my future studies: I had taken the course purely because it had implications for my past personal experiences with travel. The course initially really aggravated me: I felt self-conscious and antagonized, guilty and defensive. I found myself disagreeing with my professor and actively pushing on the opinions of my peers. I usually left that class feeling mildly irritated and unclear about what I thought, and how I was being implicated in the material. Nearly a year later, I went on an Exploration Seminar to Morocco, and that experience provided a sort of re-contextualization of the themes of the anthropology course, as well as a catharsis for the difficult feelings I had encountered. Upon my return from Morocco, I started to realize how relevant the tensions, theories, and concerns discussed in that course really were.

 

In Anthropology, we unpacked the idea of “authenticity” and how that concept was related to privilege and power. The political climate of the classroom discussion tended to sway towards conservative and predictable criticisms of tourism, which accused tourists of exporting their ignorance and arrogance to a foreign country, to further economically and physically marginalize local populations. Tourists were characterized as “ugly” and insensitive people who blundered into a space with particular expectations of what they would see and who they would encounter, as a sort of agent for latent colonialism. While there is much compelling evidence to support this notion, this theorization of tourists seemed awfully simplistic to me, and I found myself wondering about the validity of the distinction between tourist and traveler (and whether one or the other truly left a smaller colonial footprint, so to speak). Before taking this course, I had thought of myself as the more fashionable “traveler” rather than the unpleasant “tourist,” but following the course, I was not as confident that it was useful to think of myself as one or the other.

 

As muddled as I felt at the end of the quarter, I experienced further confusion and tension within myself while studying abroad in Morocco. While abroad, I experienced a sort of complicated reversal of the tourist gaze: as I attempted to look, I was also seen. And, because of my layered and hybrid status as a privileged tourist/traveler, student, American, and woman, I occupied a different place in the power dynamic. Though I retained a certain privileged status as an American abroad, with a shiny blue and gold-embossed passport, I ran into unexpected gendered issues. As a female, I was consumed by the male Moroccan gaze. My body was a landscape of submission and open stares. It was acceptable for males to verbally or physically enact their own masculinity upon my body. Despite being covered, I felt exposed, made uncomfortable and feeling threatened by the packs of young men leaning against narrows walls of the medina, whistling and cat calling. It was infuriating and a little scary to feel that kind of oppression so acutely. It left me feeling confused and annoyed.

 

Additionally, Morocco provided a challenge to my ideas about feminine agency, feminist solidarity, and international feminisms. When in Morocco, I did not feel secure in my identity, nor did I feel any solidarity with the Moroccan women around me. In the States, I presumed that all women would look out for each other and was confident that if I were being harassed by a male in public, it would be culturally appropriate for someone else to step in. I was not sure that would happen in Morocco. My ethnic and religious difference trumped our mutual gendered identity. This lead me to consider how feminism might function in different contexts, and how naïve I had been to assume that feminism around the world would look like feminism in America. I started to realize that Moroccan feminism was unique: the women did not have the same kind of agency and status in public spheres that I was used to, but they dominated in the domestic sphere. They ran the house, they ran the family, they teased the patriarch and played with the youngest son, calling him “Prince.” Their djellabas and headscarves (modest coverings that I distrusted) were a source of power, not of oppression.

 

This experience complicated and challenged my thoughts on agency and identity.My experiences with the academic and ideational frustrations of the Anthropology of Tourism and my confusions from my experiences abroad in Morocco have shown me the significance of tension and intersectionality. These two moments in my life have demonstrated how crucial it is to be sensitive to my own positionality in a changing landscape, and to learn how to productively process cognitive dissonance without dismissing it or assimilating opposing ideas into my own beliefs.

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